Ethnic's Specific Language Features in Bengkulu Province

Example 1 Serawai

Example 2 Rejang

Example 3 Minang

Example 4 Jawa

 ETHNICITY AND SOCIAL NETWORKS

Ethnicity

African American Vernacular English 

Maori English

Social Networks

Communities of Pactice and theConstruction of Social Identity

SOCIOLINGUISTIC IN NEW ZEALAND

Here is the mind mapping of sociolinguistic in New Zealand.

ISSUES IN SOCIOLINGUISTICS

SOCIOLINGUISTICS

SOCIAL NORMS

LANGUAGE VARIATION

GROUP MEMBERSHIPS

THE LANGUAGE ATTITUDE

    LINGUISTIC POLITENESS IN DIFFERENT CULTURES

Many implicit sociolinguistic biases remain about what people think when t
hey ask or say a specific thing. We expect something more complicated than Dr Kennedy when we ask someone to introduce an honorable guest at an important formal dinner. When we expect anyone to dine, we suppose that they know the requirements of decent attire, arrival times and subjects that are appropriate to address at night. For example, whether visitors are close friends, thorough talk of the recent activity of a cat or of the insides of your new car is not normally acceptable and thus the speaker is free to ask to shut down if proper listening is needed.

Example

Hostess : Have another helping.

Guest     : No thanks I am thoroughly fed up.

There are sociolinguistic toleration and exclusion criteria that vary across cultures. Refusal to properly welcome people to Western society can be a daunting job. How do you reject somebody you don't want a ride home? How do you deny someone who is your social superior asking you to a meal? A pretext is compulsory and must be reasonable and fairly precise. There are very common vague formulas in certain cultures like I'm busy that night I am terrified of being completely appropriate. However, a more concrete justification to reject is required in many Western cultures. Where the social component predominates, the anonymity of people is diminished and ambiguous behaviors are assumed to be avoidable. To be respectful in these contexts implies to understand the cultural expressiveness of a variety of speech roles.

It is considered impolite to accept food when it is initially served in certain areas of India and Taiwan, as well as in parts of the Arabic speaking world. It is only necessary for the third offer to accept and, therefore, only the offeror finds a third rejection to be absolute. There are also stories about over-represented travelers in the West who have not established this cultural standard. In the other hand, travelers from abroad who work according to these criteria would presumably consider the English hosts to be ungenerous because second aid is only given once. Sociolinguistic principles once again express cultural ideals. Food placing is considered to be a positively friendly behavior, particularly in cultures where social classes have a large economic disparity. Fatness, on the other hand, is not considered a symbol of prosperity in western culture. In reality thinness is very much appreciated and sociolingual dinner expectations prefer to take into account the prospect of visitors eat. It may be humiliating to be asked to constantly decline food deals.

Greetings

Example 

(a) How are you?
(b) Where are you going?
(c) Have you eaten?
(d) Where do you come from?
(e) Are you married?
(f) How much do you earn?
(g) What do you weigh?

Any of these questions is appropriate as part of a daily greeting ritual in various cultures. It is formulas and ritualism is the intended response. Like a thorough blow-by-blow summary of cold weather in answer to 'How are you?,' the questioners from South East Asia should not expect a precise minute account of your planned trip and destination. The answer is incorrect and inappropriate. Just like the answer to the first question is just "fine" so the answer to the second question is "along the way" or "just a short distance". Greetings formulas are universally used for the affective role of contacts and partnerships without attacks, but they obviously have a culture-specific substance.

There are distinctly distinctive social expectations in a number of fields and the best ways of communicating in diverse cultures. In different cultures speech roles are represented differently. To be courteous means to consider the basic principles that control how social aspects are communicated, such as status, unity and formality. A sociolinguistic definition is meant to describe the weight different in different cultures of these variables.

 Here our discussion about  National Languages and Language Planning

From Damba Reja, Aulia Arifin, Genda Opriorika, Annisa Lestiani and Abdushomad Al Wahid.

NATIONAL LANGUAGES AND LANGUAGE PLANNING

Paraguay is the only Latin American nation with a distinctive national language. Paraguay provides a clear case of stable broad diglossia, with Spanish, the H Language used in formal contexts, for administration, a great deal of education and legal business and Guarani the L language of solidarity, the language of love, humor and poetry. An interesting example in Paraguay, Paraguayans are generally happy to recognise Spanish as a useful language for official business. But though Spanish and Guarani both have official status, it is Guarani which most people regard as their distinctive culture and traditions. Many Paraguayans consider that Guarani is an important symbol of Paraguayan identity. People feel that you cannot be a true Paraguayan unless you can speak the language. Some people say that there are things they can say in Guarani which are more difficult to express in Spanish. While people find that Spanish a useful language for formal and business interactions, most are proud of Guarani and express strong loyalty towards it.

NATIONAL AND OFFICIAL LANGUAGES

The government of Paraguay in 1960 distinguished the language status of Spanish and Gurani. Spanish is the "official" language while Gurani is the "national" language. In sociolinguistics, the distinction between national and official languages is made based on the ideological-instrumental dimension. A function of Spanish, the official language is utilitarian rather than symbolic, this language is used for government. Meanwhile, the function of the Paraguay language, the national language, is to identify the nation and unite its people, which means the language of the political, social and cultural unit which has a symbol as national unity. Besides, governments do not always support the differences sociolinguistics make. However, in 1992 the situation changed, with Guarani becoming the official language. So Paraguay has 2 official languages and 1 national language. Similar cases were found in multilingual Tanzania, which has one national language, Swahili, and two official languages, Swahili and English. Many countries do not differentiate between official and national languages. Such states serve political and social goals on the one hand. In multilingual countries, governments declare a language as the national language, often for political purposes. When the national language has problems, identification of the official language is required. As in multilingual India, attempts to give the national language to the singular status of Hindi were unsuccessful. Thus, fourteen regional languages of India are recognized as official languages along with English and Hindi for the country as a whole.

PLANNING FOR A NATIONAL OFFICIAL LANGUAGE

Form, functions and attitudes

This involves issues relating to the form of the variety, the functions it serves, and the attitudes that people hold towards it.

There are generally four interrelated steps:

1.      Selection: choosing the variety or code to be developed.

2.      Codification: standardising its structural or linguistic features. This kind of “linguistic processing” is known as corpus planning.

3.      Ellaboration: extending its functions for use in new domains. This involves developing the necessary linguistic resources for handling new concepts and contexts.

4.      Securing its acceptance. The status of the new variety is important, and so people’s attitudes to the variety being developed must be considered. Steps may be needed to enhance its prestige, for instance, and encourage people to develop pride in the language, or loyalty towards it. This is known as status planning or prestige planning.

The relationship between the steps is summarised in table:

Selection and acceptance are steps which involve social and political factors. Codification and elaborating the code to handle a wider range of functions are,by contrast, essentially linguistic process.

Tanzania

·        Selecting a code

It’s hard to choose the national language for Tanzania when gained independence in 1961 because the government faced the dilemma to decide it. There are many changes of the language, choosing one language from over a hundred languages. Choosing English, Swahili, Bantu language. Swahili is many found in the lingua franca and used in education also administration. But Bantu language is the language which was known as African language.

·        Codifying and elaborating Swahili

This was begun by the British administration before independence. It was being used in primary education and for administration. Following Tanzanian independence in 1961, Swahili was used in more and more contexts for education, administration, politics, and law. In 1984, however, the government decided to extend Swahili-medium education to secondary tertiary education. English has been retained for these levels.

·        Attitudes to Swahili

It’s guaranteed it prestige and positive attitudes. The story of the acceptance of Swahili as the national language of Tanzania is therefore an interesting one. From many problematic so that Swahili became the national language of Tanzania. In this section, the steps involved in developing a particular code or variety for use as a national language have been discussed in relation to a large multilingual country, Tanzania, where the competing varieties are distinct languages. And the steps are relevant with the next section in relation to Norway.

DEVELOPING A STANDARD VARIETY IN NORWAY

Selecting a code

 Essentially the Norwegian government had the choice of developing a national language from standard Danish or from local Norwegian dialects.. So although choosing Danish would have reduced the linguistic problems facing the planners, it presented different kinds of problems. On the other hand, choosing a variety from among the regional Norwegian dialects raised problems relating to the form and new functions required of a standard language. Any dialect selected would need codifying and would require extensive functional elaboration. And the problem of  which  dialect to select caused obvious headaches in relation to people’s attitudes. Two different approaches were taken to developing a standard written variety of Norwegian.

Codification and elaboration

This composite variety was essentially the brainchild of Ivar Aasen, a schoolteacher who had studied Norwegian dialects. As a result this constructed variety turned out to be one of the best described languages around at the time. Aasen identifi ed common grammatical patterns in different dialects, and he chose vocabulary from a range of different regions. Where there was a choice of word forms he selected those he considered least ‘corrupted’ or ‘contaminated’ by Danish. Rural dialect resources also solved the problem of functional elaboration, or extending the use of Norwegian into domains where Danish had previously been the only appropriate code.

 From a linguistic point of view, they are very similar indeed pronouncements are regularly made by the Norwegian Language Council about which spellings of particular words are officially sanctioned. Official documents are printed in both varieties, and schoolchildren are taught to read and write both, though local councils decide which variety is to be used as the main vehicle of instruction in the local schools. 

Acceptance

 Aasen succeeded in this to the extent that in 1885 Landsmål was voted offi cial equality with Danish, in 1929 it was relabelled Nynorsk, and at its peak in 1944 it was the chief language of instruction for 34.1 per cent of all schoolchildren. Since then, Nynorsk has had mixed fortunes, and by 2008 it was the language of instruction for only 13.4 per cent of pupils in primary school.

In Norway, as in many more recently developing nations, things have not been so simple. The government has considered it necessary to make deliberate choices, to accelerate the process of language standardisation and to legislate on the status of particular varieties. It is clear that language planning is a fascinating mixture of political and social considerations, as well as linguistic ones Top-down’ signs are offi cial signs, designed by public authorities, while ‘bottom-up’ signs are non-offi cial signs, usually produced by individuals or groups.

THE LINGUIST’S ROLE IN LANGUAGE PLANNING

Language schools have existed for hundreds of years, but there are indeed individuals who often It has a huge impact on language planning, especially the standardization or compilation of specific species.

Samuel Johnson’s 40,000-word dictionary was a landmark in the codification of English, though, as example 7 demonstrates, he had few illusions about the lexicographer’s role. Ivar Aasen in Norway created a composite variety of Norwegian (Landsmål/Nynorsk) from a range of dialects. In Israel, Eliezer Ben-Yehuda was the most influential proponent of the vernacularisation of Hebrew. Francis Mihalic wrote the first authoritative grammar and dictionary of Tok Pisin in the 1950s. And in New Zealand Harry Orsman completed the first dictionary of New Zealand English on historical principles in 1997.

These days, the details of the language plan are handled by the committee Committee or college. In addition, many language planning activities focus on In countries trying to establish self-government, there are differences in the promotion of national and official language changes, including attention to minorities and endangered languages. Compilation and vocabulary expansion are usually the most concerned issues of the language school.

CONCLUSION

Language planning is defined most simply as deliberate language change. This covers a wide variety of activities including the introduction of new labels for fruit, the reform of spelling systems and also includes the development of national languages and standard dialects. Language planners generally focus on specifi c language problems. This chapter has been concerned mainly with the language policies of countries and states rather than the language behaviour of individuals. In the first of this book, multilingualism highlights linguistic diversity and makes it easier to perceive, In section II of this book, we will look in some detail at how monolinguals draw on their linguistic resources to signal such non-linguistic information, and how they use these resources to construct social identities and social relationships.

Language and Gender between Canada and French

Fisrt of all, what is sociolinguistics? Sociolinguistics are seeking to examine different social cultural patterns and investigate different conversation practices. Language appears as a symbol system, in words of higher concepts and senses, it shows a mechanism and pattern for representing the empirical universe. Language and Gender is actually only other scholarly publication to which academics interested in the convergence of these dimensions should shift, whether as contributors pursuing a common audience or as readers seeking a valid reference for current discussions in the area. Language and gender differ in every country or every continent. The distinction in the language of gender has always been challenging. Gender variations in language are not only seen as a lingua franca but also as a sociological phenomenon have become a common subject in linguistics and sociolinguistics. Gender gaps in the linguistic phenomena are not accidental; they have a profound historical social context. Both men and women have different rank and different responsibilities, so they have multiple responsibilities and additional rules. Usually, in all types of sports subjects are dominated by men, women are usually educated, while women's problems are usually family life, people, and emotions. So dialogues that reveal someone's inner life are typically more women, but men prefer to hide their emotions. I will explain the difference between the aspect of  language and gender in sociolinguistics in Canada and sociolinguistics in French.

The first thing I will explain is language and gender in sociolinguistics in Canada. Henry Rogers and Ron Smyth are Canadian scholars from the University of Toronto who have been researching language and gender issues. Not only the two of them, but there are many Canadian scholars who research about language and gender in Canada. Rogers and Smyth have investigated the ociophonetic variation in vowel and consonant articulation with respect to gender, gender identity and sexual orientation. In particular, they are focused on identifying the phonetic characteristics that make speech sound manly. They both found multiple auditory similarities that listeners use to classify a speech as manly-sounding: a longer and high frequency of fricatives / s / and / z /; a longer aspiration of voiceless stops; a clearer / l /. Rogers and Smyth also stated that the boy's voice represented the characteristics of the female phonetic sound. Also At York University, Susan Ehrlich emphasizes about language and identity.. Ehrlich's latest research focused on the manner in which terminology is used in legal contexts, in particular the discourse of evidence and court rulings relating to cases of sexual assault and abuse. Ehrlich claims that the implicit preconceptions of legal terminology have an impact on the result of the proceedings. Also Deborah James at the University of Toronto investigates gender gaps in the use of languages. She examines the various ways men and women use derogatory terms in his earlier work. James has put together a collection of writings taken from restroom walls and she's analyzed the similarities and differences in the use of male and female graffiti. Another scholar is Bonnie McElhinny at the University of Toronto. He focuses on researching various collaborative styles of men and women at work. McElhinny has researched the language of women employed in historically male-dominated jobs, like police forces, to see if women are adapting more 'male' forms of conversation.

Next I will explain the language and gender of sociolinguistic in French. In French, nouns have a gender grammatical as for female and masculine for their grammatical purposes. The grammatical objective of gender is to differentiate between female and masculine user goals. Some of the nouns that represent gender-based persons (people and animals) both use the female version and the masculine form, for example, the two words "actors" in French are acteur (m) and actrice (f). Nouns that describe genderless objects (e.g. objects and abstract concepts) have only one type. It can be masculine or feminine. For example, la voiture (the car) may only be feminine; a pen (the pen) may be male only. There are several nouns that describe gender-based objects for which there is only one type, that is used despite the actual sexuality of the object, for instance, the word for person; personne; is always female, even if the person is male, and the word for teacher; professeur; is always male, even if the teacher is female. Regrettably, you should try to avoid misunderstandings by certain exceptions in French. There are also the same word, except whether it is male or female it has differing meanings; for example, une livre (m) means a book; but a une livre (f) denotes one pound. Some men-like terms (like la photo that literally signify photography), are feminine, and vice versa. Then other people are meaningless; la foi means feminine and means faith, while le foie means liver.  But in French, there are also nouns that do not use biological gender designation, such as e.g. 'Un éléphant femelle' - a female elephant, 'une souris mâle' - a male mouse. In addition, there are some words in French that do not have a feminine ((eg 'un gourmet') and masculin (eg 'une victime') form. Trudeau explores gender marking in occupations whether there is a gender specific occupation or not. she also traces sociohistorical evolution in professions or occupations, for example, 'jugesse' [f.] - female judge. During in the Restoration and Modern ages, the feminization of occupational titles occurred (eg 'sacristaine' [f.] - female sacristan). From time to time, gender-based work specializations have grown increasingly special. For example 'wife of' (e.g. 'ambassadrice' [f.] - wife of the ambassador). In the early twentieth century, a growing number of women were in professions that were predominantly male before them. Thus, certain feminine words developed. For example, "avocate" [f.] - female lawyer, "artisane" [f.] - craftswoman, "pharmacienne" [f.] - female pharmacist. We know that in the past, lawyer was a profession that was dominated by men, but as we entered the early twentieth century there were more and more understandings that had developed, so that many women took part in a profession that was dominated by men. The years 1920-1960 saw the first wave of feminism in France which led to the idea of ​​a progressive male form. This feminist challenges the conventional notion of 'femininity' by opposing words such as 'poetesse' [f.] (Female poet) and 'docteresse' [f.] (Female doctor). This gender marking controversy continues so that the gender of the word feminist returns to feminine. Then, with this controversy, until finally the equality law was issued in 1983, a new awareness emerged about the relationship between gender marking and social perceptions. Yvette Roudy, is a Ministre des Droits de la Femme (Minister of Women's Rights), states that women were excluded from taking jobs where there was just a masculine symbol (eg 'un ingénieur' [m.] - engineer [m./f .]) and spearheaded attempts to eradicate gender-based disparities. The Roudy Committee, made up of members from different government departments, sociologists, linguists and delegates of the Académie française, published public opinion polls, the results of which indicate opposition to feminization is particularly significant in occupations that have excluded women to date (– for example medicine, law, military, business). The Commission opposes the word 'femme' + noun and instead proposes the use of the already productive minimum phonetic and morphological mechanisms in French:

1.      –ier to –ière                 (pompière [f.] – female firefighter);

2.      –ien to –ienne              (chirurgienne [f.] – female surgeon);

3.      –eur to –euse               (chercheuse [f.] – female researcher);

4.      Final consonant to –e  (sculpteure [f.] – female sculptor).

In 1997, the woman ministers in the Jospin cabinet declined to be named 'Madame le ministre' (Madame le ministre [L.]), then the rejection collided with the more conservative COGETER (commission générale de terminologie et de néologie-Commission générale de terminologie et de néologie) and the more radical INALF (Institut national de la langue française-Institut national de la langue française). In addition, INALF funded an official guide to feminisation in 1999. Although not all women welcome such feminization efforts, with certain objecting to the possible uncertainty of such feminine terms (e.g. 'rédactrice'-either female editor or female editor of magazines) and some suggesting that such professional titles are nouns and not adjectives.

That's all the language and gender of sociolinguistic between in Canada and French.